All listings for this product
Best-selling in Non-Fiction Books
Save on Non-Fiction Books
- AU $79.89Trending at AU $90.22
- AU $17.51Trending at AU $30.26
- AU $31.46Trending at AU $40.54
- AU $22.32Trending at AU $36.99
- AU $40.87Trending at AU $45.02
- AU $35.26Trending at AU $35.78
- AU $36.61Trending at AU $37.24
About this product
- DescriptionThere have been many political dilemmas that impose structural constraints on the effort to legalize, judicialize, and criminalize rmatively deviant behavior in international politics. The annual costs of these tribunals has peaked at approximately $400 million, of which $140 million is allocated to the ICC, the latter w having spent $1 billion in its first decade of existence. What has been the track record of these international criminal courts with jurisdiction to try heads of states and leading official and military officers? Has the domestic political will of states increased to prosecute their own leaders, following the ICC's complimentary jurisdiction? How have powerful states supported these courts and how have they undermined them? In succeeding in punishing a number of high-profile cases, the tribunals arguably constitute what Habermas called communicative action that expresses the aspirations and nascent rms of international society. Beyond the confines of a specific of international cooperation, these courts are increasingly becoming rm entrepreneurs, defining the rms of coexistence among states, such that internal atrocities are seen t only as international crimes, but threats to the stability and order of international society. These courts are also redefining the attributes of what states must practice to preserve their reputations, a breach of which will prove increasingly costly. The tribunals are increasingly incentivizing and mobilizing informational networks from NGOs, IGOs, and states to document and publicize violations of international criminal law, thereby increasing exposure risks of perpetration. To be sure the patchwork of compliance and rm communication is fraught with double standards, hypocrisy, selective enforcement, and neoimperial delegitimation of the subaltern. Still, what has begun as institutions created in the absence of humanitarian action by the powerful may come to constitute rmal state attributes similar to sovereignty, whose violation will be seen as t only illegitimate, but also meriting humanitarian action to correct and punish such behavior. The question remains whether ongoing impunity of both the powerful and the powerless will undermine or limit this potential.
- Author BiographyHenry F. Carey is associate professor of political science at Georgia State University in Atlanta. He is the author most recently of Privatizing the Democratic Peace: Policy Dilemmas of NGO Peacebuilding (2012) and Reaping what you Sow: A Comparative Examination of Torture Reform in the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel (2012), editor of United Nations Law Reports and co-editor of ISA Compendium on International Law (2010). Stacey M. Mitchell is lecturer in the Dept. of International Relations at the University of Georgia, where she earned her PhD She is the author of many articles on international criminal justice, including Ignorance and Miscalculation in American Foreign Policy towards Rwanda and The Role of Structure and Institutions in the Genocide of the Rwandan Tutsi and the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire.
- PublisherLexington Books
- Date of Publication30/04/2015
- SubjectInternational Law: Professional
- Place of PublicationLanham, MD
- Country of PublicationUnited States
- ImprintLexington Books
- Content Note4 tables
- Weight540 g
- Width156 mm
- Height231 mm
- Spine26 mm
- Edited byHenry F. Carey,Stacey M. Mitchell
This item doesn't belong on this page.
Thanks, we'll look into this.